***Click here to watch Senator Grassley's floor statement.***

Prepared Floor Statement of Senator Chuck Grassley

Ranking Member, Senate Committee on the Judiciary

Hall v. United States and Chapter 12 of the Bankruptcy Code

Friday, December 16, 2012

Mr. President, I'd like to take a few minutes to discuss a case that was argued a few weeks ago before the Supreme Court, Hall v. United States.  This case involves a specific provision I authored, which is contained in 2005 Bankruptcy Reform law.  Throughout the litigation in this case, my statements supporting the provision were discussed at length.  I want to take a few minutes and walk through the history and intent of this provision, so people hear it straight from the author's mouth.

At its core, Hall v. United States is about statutory interpretation.  The statute at issue is 11 U.S.C. section 1222(a)(2)(A), which was a farm bankruptcy provision added to the Bankruptcy Code in 2005.  Before I get into a discussion about the case, let me explain what this particular provision does and why it was needed.

Congress enacted Chapter 12 of the Bankruptcy Code in 1986, which was subsequently made permanent in 2005.  Chapter 12 allows family farmers to use the bankruptcy process to reorganize their finances and operations.  It's a proven success as a leverage tool for farmers and their lenders.  It helps the farmer and the banker sit down and work out alternatives for debt repayment.  Not long after it became law in 1986, we began to hear about what worked and what didn't work for farmers who were reorganizing in bankruptcy.

One problem we learned about arose when a debtor farmer needed to sell assets in order to generate cash for reorganization.  A farmer may need to sell portions of the farm to raise cash to fund a plan and pay off his creditors.  However, in this situation we're usually dealing with land that's been in a family's hands for a long time.  This means that the cost basis is usually very low.  So, once a farmer filed bankruptcy and then tried to sell a portion or all of the land, he would be hit with a substantial capital gains tax.

This created problems because, as originally drafted, Chapter 12 required full payment of all priority claims under Section 507 of the Bankruptcy Code.  The only way to avoid this requirement was if the holder of the claim agreed that its claim could be treated differently.  Thus, when a farmer sold his land, which resulted in large capital gains, the IRS would have a priority claim against the bankruptcy estate.

Now, let me take a moment to explain the concept of a bankruptcy estate, which may be a bit confusing.  When an individual or a corporation files for bankruptcy, an estate is created.  The estate consists of property that is liquidated for the purpose of paying creditors.  So, in the case of farmers filing a bankruptcy petition under Chapter 12, the farm assets are property of the estate.  And according to Section 541(a)(6) of the Bankruptcy Code, the proceeds from the sales of those assets are also property of the estate.

So, the situation farmers faced was where the IRS held a large priority claim against the bankruptcy estate.  Let's talk a minute about claims against the estate, because this helps to understand how we got to where we are today.  In the situation I'm discussing, we're dealing with a claim that is based on taxes owed.   The Bankruptcy Code says that taxes incurred by the estate are administrative expenses.  An administrative expense essentially receives top priority when determining who gets paid what.

Thus, the effect this had was that the IRS, with its priority claim, could object to any reorganization plan that didn't provide for full payment of its tax claim.  The IRS essentially held veto authority over the farmer's plan confirmation.  In some instances, then, a farmer who sought to sell a portion of his farm to reorganize, pay creditors and become profitable again was prohibited completely from doing so.

After learning of this problem, I started working on a way to fix it.  Simply put, I wanted to make sure that family farmers in a Chapter 12 case could, in fact, sell portions of their farms to effectively reorganize, without the capital gains taxes jeopardizing the reorganization.  The very purpose of Chapter 12 and bankruptcy in general is to allow for a fresh start.  Unfortunately, this wasn't happening.

In 1999 I introduced the "Safeguarding America's Farms Entering the Year 2000 Act."  This bill, among other things, sought to fix the capital gains tax issue.  When I introduced this bill, I said that it would "help[] farmers to reorganize by keeping tax collectors at bay."  I also explained that:

"Under current law, farmers often face a crushing tax liability if they need to sell livestock or land in order to reorganize their business affairs. . . High taxes have caused farmers to lose their farms.  Under the Bankruptcy Code, the IRS must be paid in full for any tax liabilities generated during a bankruptcy reorganization.  If the farmer can't pay the IRS in full, then he can't keep his farm.  This isn't sound policy.  Why should the IRS be allowed to veto a farmer's reorganization plan?"

The language I proposed ultimately was enacted in the 2005 Bankruptcy Reform law.    Since the Bankruptcy Code, courts and the IRS treated the tax liability as an administrative expense, the new provision created a very narrow exception.  Basically, only in a Chapter 12 case, if a farmer sold farm land that resulted in a capitals gain liability, then the IRS's claim would not receive priority status.

Instead, the government would have an unsecured claim, which means they may get paid something, but not necessarily the entire amount.  Also, the IRS would no longer be able to veto a plan's confirmation.  Thus, the farmer debtor would be allowed to try and reorganize.

Now, from a bankruptcy point of view, this approach makes complete sense.  As I've discussed already, filing a petition creates a bankruptcy estate.  The bankruptcy estate then sells the land, post-petition, and that results in capital gains that are owed to the IRS.  These taxes, incurred by the estate post-petition, are administrative expenses, which receive priority status.  So, my language, enacted into law in 2005, stripped the priority claims owed to the government, in this very specific instance, and made them general unsecured claims.

However, since passage of this provision, the IRS has made an about face.  The government now argues, despite the way it treated this situation for all these years, that the tax liability created is the responsibility of the individual and not the bankruptcy estate.  Yet, the entire reason we created this new provision was because of the way the IRS treated the tax liability.

The IRS's new position has been argued in federal court and has received mixed results.  So now  there's a dispute whether my provision accomplishes what it was designed to do.  A 2009 Eighth Circuit case, Knudsen v. Internal Revenue Service, held the provision applies to the post-petition sale of farm assets, which is what we're discussing here.  Specifically, the Eighth Circuit rejected the IRS's position that the Internal Revenue Code does not recognize a separate taxable entity being created when a debtor files a Chapter 12 petition.

Put another way, the IRS is claiming the individual debtor is responsible for the tax liability that arises out of the bankruptcy estate's actions.    The Eighth Circuit disagreed and said there's now an exception preventing the IRS from having a priority claim for the capital gains.

But in a Ninth Circuit case, the court there held that there was no exception for post-petition capital gains.  In Hall v. United States, now before the Supreme Court, the Ninth Circuit said the Halls were responsible for the capital gains taxes from selling part of their farm during bankruptcy. This holding means that my provision didn't create a narrow exception, even though that's what was intended.

Unfortunately, the IRS, under the Obama administration, is taking a position today that is anti-farmer and the exact opposite of what it said six years ago.

This about-face came only after we made the change in the law, and it became clear that in very narrow circumstances the IRS would lose its priority position.  I respect the IRS's interest in pursuing tax dollars, but it exhibited a lot of chutzpah in taking this position. Our policy reasons for this new exception were simple.  The farmers didn't have enough money to pay everyone.  We decided that it would be better to let them sell some assets, which would generate cash and help them to reorganize and pay their creditors.  In making this decision, we realized that someone would have to make a sacrifice.  We decided to give the farmers a break from government taxes in a very narrow set of circumstances.  Now, though, the government is trying to figure out a way to jump back ahead of other creditors and get more money.

And these creditors that the IRS is trying to break in front of are small businesses, suppliers and small, local banks that extend credit and supplies to farmers.  This is not what we expected would happen when we passed the 2005 Bankruptcy law.

This is an important issue and an important case that the Supreme Court will decide in the coming months.  The Supreme Court will decide whether this provision accomplishes my goal, which I've stated.  I look forward to seeing how the case is resolved.  Rest assured that I'll work to ensure that this policy of protecting family farmers is followed as that was our clear intent in having this law enacted.  Chapter 12 has proven successful as a leverage tool for farmers and their lenders.  It helps the farmer and the banker sit down and work out alternatives for debt repayment.

Should the Court rule that the Internal Revenue Code is inconsistent with the Bankruptcy Code, and rule against my intent as the author, I will work to remedy this inconsistency.

 

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During his weekly video address, Senator Chuck Grassley discusses revelations made during the Senate Agriculture Committee hearing regarding the MF Global collapse in which up to $1.2 billion in customer funds was lost - including money from Iowa farmers and brokers.

Click here for audio.

Here is the text of the address:

This week's oversight hearing in the Senate Agriculture Committee on the MF Global collapse yielded some revelations on what happened and who knew what when.

An executive of a financial exchange that oversees MF Global testified that the former head of the firm may have known the firm was using customer funds to make a $175 million loan to a European affiliate.  This statement from the head of the CME Group struck another senator on the Agriculture Committee as a "bomb."

It strikes me as a bombshell, too, because just minutes before, Mr. Jon Corzine continued to express his lack of understanding of how MF Global lost up to $1.2 billion in customer funds - including money from Iowa farmers and brokers.

The revelation wasn't in any prepared testimony.  It came in response to senators' questions.

It goes to show that congressional oversight yields results.

Those responsible can and should be brought to account, whether it's firms playing fast and loose with customer money in violation of the law or the regulators who are supposed to stop malfeasance.

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WASHINGTON - Senator Chuck Grassley has asked the Obama administration to appeal a World Trade Organization panel decision that, while validating the U.S.'s authority to have Country Of Origin Labeling for meat products, strikes down the Country of Origin Labeling regulations which implement the law.  Grassley joined 18 senators to send a letter to Department of Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack and U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk.

"Family farmers take pride in the fact that the crops they harvest make it to dinner tables around the world.  People want to know where the food on their tables comes from, and makes Country of Origin Labeling a no-brainer," Grassley said.  "Nearly all products sold in the United States show where the product was made.  In fact, other countries label where their meat originated.  It's completely legitimate for us to show if the meat we buy originated in the United States."

The senators wrote in their letter, "We request that your agencies take appropriate actions to appeal the DSP's ruling and to work to ensure that our COOL program both meets our international trade obligations while continuing to provide such information to consumers."

From here, the panel decision will either be adopted by the WTO Dispute Settlement Body or the decision can be appealed to the WTO Appellate Body.

Grassley joined senators Tim Johnson of South Dakota, Mike Enzi and John Barrasso of Wyoming, Sherrod Brown of Ohio, Jon Tester of Montana, Carl Levin of Michigan, Dianne Feinstein of California, Tom Udall of New Mexico, Ron Wyden and Jeff Merkley of Oregon, Kent Conrad and John Hoeven of North Dakota, Claire McCaskill of Missouri, Mary Landrieu of Louisiana, Michael Bennet of Colorado, Tom Harkin of Iowa, Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, and John Thune of South Dakota in signing the letter.

Here's a copy of the text of the letter.  A signed copy can be found here.

November 14, 2011

 

Secretary Tom Vilsack                        Ambassador Ron Kirk

U.S. Department of Agriculture                    Office of the U.S. Trade Representative

1400 Independence Ave., SW                             600 17th Street, NW

Washington, DC 20250                          Washington, DC 20508

 

Dear Secretary Vilsack and Ambassador Kirk:

 

We write regarding the November 18, 2011, World Trade Organization (WTO) Dispute Settlement Panel (DSP) finding affirming arguments made by Canada and Mexico over the implementation of the United States Country of Origin Labeling (COOL) law.  The DSP validated the statutory authority for the United States to require such labeling; however, the panel also found that the manner in which the program was implemented treats cattle and hogs from those countries less favorably than U.S.-origin livestock.  While we are pleased that the DSP affirmed our right to require such labeling, we are concerned about the impact that the DSP's ruling will have on our ability to continue providing such information to consumers.

 

As you are aware, included in the Food, Conservation, and Energy Act of 2008 (Farm Bill) was a common sense plan for implementing a food labeling program to provide consumers with information about the origins of the food they purchase.  It was the intention of Congress in developing this provision that such labeling would be nondiscriminatory in its treatment of imported products by requiring the labeling of both domestic as well as imported products.

 

With that goal in mind, we appreciate the thoughtful rulemaking process undertaken by the Agricultural Marketing Service (AMS) and the Food Safety Inspection Service (FSIS) of USDA in developing the rule implementing COOL.  While we believe that improvements should have been made to the final rule, we believe that it appropriately establishes a labeling system which provides important and useful information to consumers while not placing an undue burden on the industry.  Additionally, we believe that the labeling system continues to provide the same opportunity for imported livestock to compete in the domestic marketplace as was the case prior to USDA's implementation of COOL.

 

We appreciate the work you have done in defending both the COOL statute and its implementation before the WTO's dispute settlement proceedings.  As you know, many of our major trading partners, including Canada and Mexico, themselves impose their own country of origin labeling requirements for imported meats.  As such, it is clear that it is within our authority under our WTO obligations to implement such a program.

 

We request that your agencies take appropriate actions to appeal the DSP's ruling and to work to ensure that our COOL program both meets our international trade obligations while continuing to provide such information to consumers.  We appreciate your attention to this matter, and we look forward to working with you moving forward.
Thursday, December 15, 2011

Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa is the author of legislation pending before the Senate to ban the chemicals used to make the dangerous drug known as "K2" or "Spice." As Judiciary Committee Ranking Member, Grassley advanced the legislation, named for a young Iowa man who took his own life after using the drug.  A fellow senator is objecting to Senate consideration of the legislation.  Grassley made the following comment on the legislation.

"A new survey out this week showed one in nine high school seniors reported using synthetic drugs last year.  That's terrible news.  These drugs are toxic and dangerous.  They caused a young Iowan to take his life.  Other deaths around the country are directly linked to synthetic drugs.  Their availability at the local mall or online does not make them safe.  Just because you can buy something in a shiny package with a cute name does not mean safety is assured.  Cynical manufacturers and sellers peddle these products either not knowing or not caring about their content or effects.

"The federal Drug Enforcement Administration has banned some of the chemicals used to make these drugs, but the ban is limited and temporary.  Congress needs to act to impose a permanent ban.  State bans aren't enough.  What's passed in one state might be different than what's passed in another state, so kids can go across the river to another state to find the drugs.  Many of the chemicals in these drugs are imported, especially from China.  States are very limited in capturing the drugs at U.S. ports of entry.

"One argument against a federal ban is that manufacturers constantly come up with new compounds to skirt the ban.  My colleagues and I have worked with the Justice Department and the Drug Enforcement Administration to broaden the language to capture more than 400 compounds that could possibly be created from the ones currently identified.  Although more compounds could be created in the future, the Controlled Substances Act allows for the prosecution of analogs to federally banned drugs, which can help land more prosecutions. The bill also increases the length of time the Drug Enforcement Administration has to temporarily ban any forthcoming dangerous drugs, including synthetics. This will be an effective tool against future compounds.

"Parents want this legislation.  Law enforcement wants this legislation.  Poison control centers want this legislation.  There's no compelling reason against it and every reason for it."

More information on Grassley's legislation is available here.

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Wednesday, December 14, 2011

U.S. Senator Chuck Grassley today released the following statement on the one-year anniversary of the shooting of U.S. Border Patrol Agent Brian Terry.  Agent Terry later died from the gunshot.  Guns found at the scene of the crime were part of an illegal gunwalking program initiated by the federal government called Fast and Furious.  Grassley has been investigating the program for nearly one year after courageous whistleblowers came forward to reveal the disastrous strategy.  Grassley has three goals in his investigation: First to get answers for the Terry family who have been left in the dark since the murder, second, to find the highest ranking official in the federal government who authorized the program and hold that person accountable, and third, to ensure a program like Fast and Furious never happens again.

Here is Grassley's comment.

"One year ago today U.S. Border Patrol Agent Brian Terry was shot in a gun fight along the U.S.-Mexico border.  Since his death, Agent Terry's family has tried to get information from the administration, but the Departments of Homeland Security and Justice have failed to adequately explain to them how our government allowed guns to fall into the hands of drug cartels.  Since last January when courageous whistleblowers came forward and alerted me to the disastrous policy, known as Fast and Furious, I've worked to help get that information for the Terry family.  But, the administration has stonewalled and slow-walked any efforts Chairman Issa and I have made to pry information out of the Justice Department.  We'll get to the bottom of what led to that sad day one year ago when one of our own was killed because of an ill-advised gunwalking policy concocted by the federal government.  The Terry family deserves no less than a full accounting of how this all happened sooner rather than later."

Prepared Statement of Senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa

Ranking Member, U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary

FBI Oversight Hearing

Wednesday, December 14, 2011

Chairman Leahy, thank you for calling this oversight hearing today.  It has been five months since Congress passed and President Obama signed into law an unprecedented two-year extension of Director Mueller's term as Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).  Given the historical problems with the FBI amassing too much power, the President's request to extend Director Mueller's term for an additional two years, breaking from over thirty-five years of practice limiting the Director to a ten-year term, was not a decision I took lightly.  Ultimately, given the President's failure to nominate a replacement in a timely and responsible manner, I reluctantly agreed to the request provided we built a historic record that showed modification of the Director's term was a one-time event.

I'm pleased that Chairman Leahy and members of the committee agreed with me and moved the extension through regular order including a hearing on the legislation, an executive mark-up of the legislation, floor consideration of the legislation, a new nomination from the President, along with a final confirmation vote.  This process sets the historical record that extending Director Mueller's term was not a fly-by-night decision.  It also puts the President on notice to begin the process of selecting and nominating a new FBI Director earlier than the last attempt.  Another extension will not occur.  So, it would be irresponsible not to begin planning sooner rather than later for Director Mueller's inevitable exit.

That said, I want to welcome Director Mueller here today.  Director Mueller's tenure as FBI Director has been a good one and his dedication and reputation were significant factors in his 100-0 confirmation vote this past July.  I'm sure when his two-year extension runs out he'll be ready for some much needed downtime and will look forward to transitioning the office to his successor.

With regard to policy matters, there are a number of topics I intend to discuss with the Director.  First, I want to discuss a perpetual problem at the FBI, whistleblower protection.  I have raised this issue with the Director repeatedly during his tenure, but it continues to plague the FBI.  Director Mueller has repeatedly assured me that he will not tolerate retaliation of any whistleblowing at the FBI.  Despite these assurances, two particular whistleblower cases have been dragging on for years.  These cases are largely fueled by the FBI's desire to continually appeal rulings and findings of wrongdoing by FBI supervisors.

For example, FBI Agent Jane Turner filed a whistleblower complaint in 2002 when she discovered that FBI agents were removing items from Ground Zero following 9/11.  The agents were collecting items from the 9/11 crime scene as personal memorabilia.  She faced retaliation for raising concerns about these agents and her case has been stuck in administrative limbo at the Justice Department for over nine years.  This is despite the fact she won a jury trial in Federal District Court where the FBI was ordered to pay nearly half a million dollars in damages, in addition to a Justice Department administrative ruling substantiating her claims of retaliation.  Even though she has won twice, the FBI recently appealed the case to the Deputy Attorney General who remanded it for further proceedings.  Nine years is far too long for any case to be resolved?especially a whistleblower case.

In another case, that of Robert Kobus, a 30-year non-agent employee of the FBI who disclosed time and attendance fraud, the case has languished for over 5 years.  This case is similar in that the Inspector General issued a 70 page investigative report detailing the retaliation that Mr. Kobus faced?including being reassigned to a vacant floor at a New York FBI Field Office.  Again, the FBI has continued to appeal this case despite clear findings of retaliation.

I wrote to Attorney General Holder last month about these cases pointing out statements made by the Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General to support whistleblowers.  Those statements are similar to assurances given by Director Mueller.  But, like nearly all my inquiries on these cases, the Attorney General's response from his Assistant Attorney General for Legislative Affairs simply provided me a recitation of the appeals process for FBI whistleblowers.  Actions speak louder than words.  And if the Attorney General, Deputy Attorney General, and FBI Director truly wish to help whistleblowers, they have the power to end the years of appeals and accept the findings issued by the Inspector General and Office of Attorney Recruitment and Management.  I intend to ask the Director why he continues to allow the FBI to file appeal after appeal despite clear findings of retaliation.  He has the power to end this cycle and show whistleblowers that the FBI and Department of Justice take their complaints seriously.

Anthrax Investigation (Amerithrax):

I also want to discuss some issues that have recently arisen as follow-up to the FBI's closing of the Amerithrax investigation.  Specifically, the Justice Department recently settled a wrongful death lawsuit in Florida for $2.5 million.  That suit was filed by the family of an editor who died as a result of the 2001 anthrax attacks.  The lawsuit raised questions in the press given potentially conflicting statements made by the Justice Department that seemed to cast doubt on Dr. Ivins' ability to actually manufacture the Anthrax.  Additionally, in subsequent depositions of Dr. Ivins' coworkers, statements were made calling into question Dr. Ivins' ability to produce the anthrax used in the attacks given his lack of access to necessary equipment.  Ultimately, the department filed a supplemental filing correcting statements that seemed to cast doubt upon the FBI's case, but did not seek to refute the depositions of Dr. Ivins' coworkers.

I wrote to the Attorney General and the FBI Director in August asking how the department's filing and the depositions could be squared against the FBI's contention that Dr. Ivins was the sole assailant.  In the response, the Justice Department argued that the "issue raised by the United States in its motion did not pertain to whether Dr. Ivins was responsible for the anthrax attacks or whether he could have created the anthrax powder in his laboratory."  The department instead argued, "The issue raised by our motion is whether the Army failed to properly oversee and supervise operations at the United States Army Medical Institute for Infectious Disease (USAMRIID) such that the agency was negligent in failing to anticipate and prevent the theft of liquid anthrax and its conversion into powder for use in the attacks."  With regard to the depositions, the department argued, "doubts of [Dr. Ivins'] colleagues only underscore [DOJ's] view that Dr. Ivins' actions were not foreseeable under Florida tort law."  While these statements attempt to thread the needle about the government's liability, the fact remains that the government ended up paying $2.5 million to settle the case and cast a further cloud on the FBI's case that Dr. Ivins' was the sole perpetrator.

Access to Line Agents and Attorneys:

The Anthrax investigation and the department's response to it have also raised additional questions.  Notably, in responding to press accounts questioning the government's case against Dr. Ivins, the FBI and department both allowed line agents and attorneys to be interviewed on national television.  In allowing these FBI agents and Assistant U.S. Attorney's to conduct detailed interviews with the press, the FBI and department have provided greater access to the press than they have Congress.  Both the department and FBI routinely argue that line agents and attorneys are prohibited from talking to members of Congress.  Yet, you can turn on a television and see in-depth interviews with these same agents and attorneys that members of Congress would like to interview.  This has been a very important part of my investigation of the department's failed handling of the ATF's Operation Fast & Furious.  I want to know from Director Mueller why he allows line agents to provide detailed interviews to the press on national television, but repeatedly refuses to let Congress and their staff interview line agents and attorneys.

Anthrax Investigation Leaks:

The Anthrax investigation also spurned an unfortunate situation where someone in the Justice Department leaked sensitive information regarding the investigation to the press.  Those leaks involved alerting the media that Dr. Steven Hatfill was under investigation and that search warrants were going to be executed on his residence.  Ultimately, Dr. Hatfill was exonerated of any wrongdoing in the case, and the Department of Justice settled a civil lawsuit filed by Dr. Hatfill based upon the Department's violation of the Privacy Act.  This settlement cost the American taxpayers nearly $6 million and occurred based upon the department's leak of information to the press.  I have repeatedly asked for a status update on the investigation into the leak to determine who the source was.

In response to my August 31, 2011, letter, the department stated, "After an extensive investigation, career prosecutors concluded that, based upon the Principles of Federal Prosecution, criminal charges were not appropriate in this matter."  This is a stunning development and only adds to concerns I have that leakers at the Justice Department are held to a different standard than federal employees outside the department.  Now that it appears that the investigation is over, I want to know from Director Mueller who the leakers were and whether they faced any administrative sanctions for the leaks.  The actions of these individuals put federal taxpayers on the hook for a $6 million settlement; they need to be held accountable.

Another area of concern is the FBI's relationship with informants.  The bureau's actions regarding Whitey Bulger were a black eye for the FBI and recent press reports from Boston indicate that a similarly cozy relationship may have developed between alleged mobster Mark Rossetti and the Boston FBI.  I wrote Director Mueller a letter on Mr. Rossetti on October 17th and I look forward to asking him more questions on this matter today.

I would also like to note, that today is the one-year anniversary of the tragic shooting of Border Patrol Agent Brian Terry.  My investigation into the ATF's failed Operation Fast & Furious continues.  I sent Director Mueller a letter dated October 20, 2011, asking some questions about the FBI's investigation of the murder of Agent Terry.  I have not yet received a response to that letter, but I have talked with Director Mueller about the case.  I want a commitment from Director Mueller that my letter will be answered in writing.  The Terry Family deserves answers about Agent Terry's murder and answering my letter is another step toward getting those answers.

Time permitting, I'd also like to ask the director about his involvement in the drafting of a memorandum that was reported in the press regarding the targeted killing of Anwar al-Awlaqi, the potential transfer of known enemy combatant Ali Mussa Daqduq from U.S. military custody to Iraq, FBI involvement in investigating mortgage fraud at Countrywide Financial, conflicts between the FBI and agents of the Department of Homeland Security Inspector General investigating corruption among DHS officers at the border, and about the recent Government Accountability Office report on the status of the FBI's headquarters in Washington, D.C.

There is a lot to cover so I look forward to Director Mueller's testimony and his responses to these important matters.  Thank you.

 

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WASHINGTON - Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa is asking the top government health care agency whether it gave special access to hedge funds and consultants "who seek to profit from government information."  Grassley is concerned about a specific meeting in 2009, as alleged by a whistleblower, and in general, because of increased Wall Street interest in gaining information from government agencies and Congress.

"The bottom line question for anything government employees do on the clock is what's in it for the taxpayers," Grassley said.  "If government employees are spending hours providing inside information to hedge funds or companies that consult for hedge funds, it's hard to see how that helps the public.  In fact, it robs the taxpayers of these employees' full value.  It raises concerns about whether hedge funds get special access to information above other Americans just because of who they are.  The public's business ought to be public, not parceled out behind closed doors."

This week, Grassley wrote to the acting administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, asking for details of the agency's dealings with hedge funds and others who seek to profit from government information.  Grassley cited allegations from a then-agency employee who said nearly one dozen agency employees were made to have a lengthy meeting with a Wall Street firm in 2009 over reimbursement policy for certain medical devices.  The whistleblower said the Wall Street firm peppered the agency employees with questions about decision-making and agency processes.

The agency controls billions of dollars of federal spending through Medicare and Medicaid and has significant power over issues of interest to Wall Street, including whether the government health care programs will pay for certain medical devices and procedures and if so, to what extent.  An agency decision on coverage can make or break the success of a medical device, for example, and investors have great interest in gaining insight into coverage decisions so they can plan accordingly.

Grassley asked the agency to explain whether it has any policies governing employee interaction with Wall Street and other outside groups and for any records of how often such interactions occur.

Grassley's inquiry comes amid increased exposure of contact between Wall Street and government agencies, based on his own inquiries and reporting from The Wall Street Journal and the Project on Government Oversight, a watchdog group, and others.

In December 2010, the White House received attention for organizing private meetings with the head of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services with outside groups, including those with lobbyists, on the implementation of the controversial health care law.

At the Department of Education, Grassley wrote to Education Secretary Arne Duncan regarding contacts with hedge funds and top staff members over whether the government would crack down on the for-profit education industry.

Grassley's letter this week to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services is available here.  A Wall Street Journal piece on the inquiry is available here.  A piece from the Project on Government Oversight on Wall Street interest in government is available here.

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Advisory for Iowa Reporters and Editors

Friday, December 9, 2011

During his weekly video address, Senator Chuck Grassley discusses a bill he introduced requiring the Supreme Court to broadcast and televise court proceedings.  By allowing cameras in the Supreme Court, the American people would have access to a court that few have the opportunity to see in person. In addition, access to the Supreme Court through audio and video coverage would help provide the public with an educational experience about our federal judicial system and the laws that are debated before the court. Grassley is also the author of legislation to grant federal judges the authority to allow cameras in other federal courtrooms.

Click here for audio.

Here is the text of the address:

This week a Judiciary subcommittee held a hearing about public access to the Supreme Court.  In conjunction with the hearing, I introduced a bill requiring the Supreme Court to broadcast and televise court proceedings.

This new bill goes with legislation I've sponsored for more than 10 years to grant federal judges the authority to allow cameras in other federal courtrooms.  That sunshine legislation has been passed many times by the Senate Judiciary Committee, and it's passed with bipartisan support.

The Judiciary Committee also has supported broadcast coverage of the Supreme Court.  The bill I introduced this week was previously sponsored by former Senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania.  Just last year, the Supreme Court started releasing audio recordings of its proceedings at the end of every week, a step in the right direction.

In 1947, the Supreme Court said that what transpires in the courtroom is public property.  So, it shouldn't be limited to the 200 people who can fit inside the chamber.

In Iowa, we've had broadcast coverage of the courts for more than 30 years.  The chief justice of the Iowa Supreme Court testified at the Judiciary Committee hearing yesterday about the success and value of this access.  He said that "cameras expose the courts to what they are - a proud institution of justice."  In fact, for the Iowa Supreme Court, expanded media coverage includes not only traditional broadcast but also live and archived streams of all oral arguments.

I will work for passage of both pieces of legislation and complete access to the Supreme Court and the federal courts based on what President Lincoln said, that our government is of, by and for the people.  Today, the best way to make sure government accountable to the people is to establish access and transparency.

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Advisory for Iowa Reporters and Editors

Friday, November 18, 2011

During his weekly video address, Senator Chuck Grassley explains why the U.S. Supreme Court should allow video and audio coverage of upcoming oral arguments about the 2010 health care law. The law is massive in size and scope. The constitutional questions are landmark. Public understanding of both the health care law and the proceedings of a case before the Supreme Court would benefit from access to audio and video of the legal arguments that will be made. Grassley is Ranking Member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, which is responsible for oversight of the federal courts. He is the former Chairman and Ranking Member of the Finance Committee, which has jurisdiction over most of the 2010 health care law.

Click here for audio.

Here is the text of the address:

This week I asked the Chief Justice to allow audio and video coverage of the oral arguments made during the Supreme Court's consideration of the challenges to the 2010 health care law.

This law is massive in size and scope.  Its impact is reverberating throughout America's economy.  The constitutional questions are landmark.  The public has a right to hear the legal arguments.  It's a tremendous educational opportunity, especially considering the way this controversial law was pushed through Congress.  It was very partisan, unlike previous legislation where major social policy changes were made with broad-based support.  And, so much about the policy changes and consequences from the 2010 health care law were unclear even to supporters when it was pushed through.

The first time I appealed for broadcast coverage of oral arguments before the Supreme Court was in 2000 in the Bush v. Gore case regarding the presidential election.  The request for audio was granted, and it was released immediately following the arguments.  I've sought to pass legislation allowing broadcast coverage of federal courtrooms for 12 years.

The issues with the 2010 health care law and this review by the Supreme Court of the United States emphasize the value and importance of public access to the courtroom.  Sunshine would shed light on the law and enhance understanding of the issues and important concerns.

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Friday, December 09, 2011

Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa today made the following comment on disclosure that Philip Falcone and Harbinger Capital Partners have received a Wells Notice from the Securities and Exchange Commission. For months, Grassley has questioned the Federal Communications Commission's fast-tracking of the firm's LightSquared project. Grassley is blocking consideration of two FCC nominees over the agency's refusal to provide information on why it fast-tracked the project.

"In my initial letter to the FCC on its decision to fast-track the LightSquared project, I noted that the hedge fund owner behind the project, Philip Falcone, faced ongoing SEC investigations.  On July 5, 2011, I followed up by writing a letter that asked FCC Chairman Julius Genachowski if he was concerned about these multiple SEC investigations of Mr. Falcone, especially since the FCC had granted Mr. Falcone's company a $10 billion victory following a shortened comment period.

"Today, documents have been released showing that Mr. Falcone and his hedge fund, Harbinger Capital, received a Wells Notice from the SEC.  While this does not mean the SEC definitely will take action against Mr. Falcone and his hedge fund, it does show that the SEC staff believes there is sufficient evidence to consider recommending an enforcement action.  Now the FCC is faced with the real possibility that it made a multi-billion-dollar grant of valuable spectrum to someone who could be charged with violating securities laws.  I raised this concern seven months ago.  Chairman Genachowksi was dismissive.  Now, more than ever, the FCC chairman should lead the effort to provide documents and offer insight into how the agency decided to give Mr. Falcone, Harbinger Capital and LightSquared this multi-billion-dollar grant."

 

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