Governor Rod Blagojevich was pure defiance last week after the House voted 114 to 1 to impeach him.

Blagojevich said he expected the impeachment because the House has been fighting him tooth and nail ever since he was re-elected in 2006. A statement his office released a day earlier predicted smoother sailing in the Senate.

"It was a foregone conclusion," the governor said about the impeachment.

"When the case moves to the Senate, an actual judge will preside over the hearings, and the governor believes the outcome will be much different," his office's official statement read.

From the very beginning, Governor Rod Blagojevich sought to centralize the operation of state government as much as possible in his office. A cadre of deputy governors has overseen daily agency operations with an iron fist and reported directly to Blagojevich's chief of staff or to the governor himself.

But Blagojevich is now under siege and spending much of his days meeting with attorneys about his criminal case. His chief of staff has resigned, as did one of his deputy governors. Another deputy governor was hired only recently.

The historical significance of last week's votes to elect a new Senate president and a new Senate Republican leader is difficult to overstate.

For starters, replacing both chamber leaders at once is an extreme Springfield rarity. According to Kent Redfield, one of the state's leading political scientists, the last time this happened was 34 years ago.

Also, Senator Christine Radogno (R-Lemont) became the first woman in all of Illinois history to lead a legislative party caucus.

The historical novelties, however, pale in comparison to the historical imperatives.

Yet another bizarre year of Illinois politics has been duly capped by Governor Rod Blagojevich's recent stated opposition to a constitutional convention.

Only in Illinois, perhaps, could voters be shocked into voting yes on the convention referendum because their own governor strongly urged a no vote.