Statement of Senator Chuck Grassley
On Fast and Furious, Nominations, the Justice for All Act Reauthorization
Judiciary Committee Executive Meeting
Thursday, June 21, 2012
Before  we start, I want to speak about the President's decision to invoke  executive privilege over Justice Department documents related to Fast  & Furious.
Yesterday,  just before a hearing to consider a contempt resolution against the  Attorney General, the Justice Department announced that the President  had asserted executive privilege over these documents.
The Attorney General repeatedly claimed that the Justice Department was making an "extraordinary offer" Tuesday night.
The only thing extraordinary is that the Attorney General offered a promise to produce documents one day and then asked the  President to claim executive privilege over them the next.
Just last week, when the Attorney General was in front of this Committee, I asked him twice if the President could claim executive privilege to protect a certain internal Justice Department email that has been withheld.
Given the explicit opportunity, the Attorney General did not indicate he would be asking the President to assert executive privilege over such documents.
If this  were a serious claim, it should have been raised much earlier.
Now that executive privilege has been asserted, it raises monumental questions.
I sent the President a letter yesterday seeking clarification as to the scope of his executive privilege claim.
Is the President asserting the presidential communication privilege, which applies only to documents involving communications  with the White House?
If so, then the Justice Department should turn over the vast majority of the documents, which would not be protected by that  privilege.
No court has ever held that the presidential communication privilege applies to internal Justice Department communications  not involving the White House.
In fact, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia considered this issue in 2004.
They held that extending the presidential communications privilege to internal Justice Department documents "would be ... contrary  to executive privilege precedent."
The  Attorney General is well aware of this decision, for he was at the  center of the pardon scandal that the requests for documents  concerned.
Additionally,  the White House has already produced documents in Fast and Furious  involving communications between White House staff and personnel  from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives, so it's  ironic that this claim comes up only now.
Either way, the White House must produce a privilege log to make clear which documents they are asserting executive privilege  to protect.
This is the most basic starting point in asserting such a claim.
It's what Chairman Leahy requested in the U.S. attorney firings.
And I remind him that I supported his subpoenas to get to the bottom of that matter.
If there are documents that aren't protected by valid legal privilege, the Justice Department still has an obligation to produce  those documents.
Failure  to produce such documents is exactly why the House Oversight Committee  voted yesterday to hold the Attorney General in contempt.
With regard to nominations, we'll hold over Berg, Bernal and Schofield, who are listed for the first time.
There are also some executive nominations on the agenda for the first time.  There is a request to hold over Williams.
I'm  not aware of any requests to hold over Lum, Hainsworth, Leonardo or  Miles.  I believe we can report those nominations by voice vote.
On  the Davis nomination, I will have some remarks to make in opposition;  other members may want to be recognized as well.  That nomination will  require a roll call vote.
With  respect to the legislation on the agenda, we're prepared to vote on  S.250, the Justice for All Act Reauthorization.  I appreciate Chairman  Leahy's willingness to work with me to reach a bi-partisan agreement on  this bill.
This  agreement reauthorizes a number of victim's rights programs in addition  to a number of grant programs that provide vital funding for state  and local governments to conduct DNA testing.  Working together, this  substitute reauthorizes these programs in a fiscally responsible way.
The  bill reauthorizes funding for crime victims' rights programs and  enhances protection for victims in several ways.  For example, it  ensures  that money appropriated to assist victims will go directly to victims,  not for other programs that DOJ operates.  This is especially necessary  given the President's FY2013 DOJ budget raided the Crime Victims Fund to  pay for non-victim related services.
At  the same time, the bill takes into account current fiscal realities.   It reduces authorizations by more than 20 percent compared to the 2004  reauthorization.  This helps to better align authorizations with actual  amounts funded by the Appropriations Committee.  However, it does so  without reducing the funding authorized for crime victims or for  programs authorized under the Debbie Smith program.
Finally, the Act includes crucial oversight and accountability provisions that I've consistently sought for DOJ grant programs.
I'm  pleased to have reached agreement with Chairman Leahy on this bill.   This substitute accomplishes the important goal of supporting law  enforcement  and victims' rights in a fiscally responsible way.
On  S.285, a private relief bill, we continue to await information from  Immigration and Customs Enforcement that we have requested.  Until we  have that information, our side is not prepared to address that  legislation.
Regarding  S.1744, the Guardian Accountability and Senior Protection Act, we have a  request to hold that bill over for another week.
Thank you.
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