It's no secret that Governor Rod Blagojevich is probably the most unpopular Illinois governor in living memory.

The entrenched politicians and special-interest groups who oppose a state constitutional convention are rightly worried that the public's mistrust, even hatred, of this governor will skew November's vote. Every 20 years, voters are given the right to call a constitutional convention, and the next opportunity is November 4. Opponents fret that Illinoisans may decide to make the constitutional convention vote a referendum on Rod Blagojevich. If that happens, they say, illogic and emotion will prevail, and terrible consequences could follow.

Ridiculous.

The truth is that Rod Blagojevich is a walking, talking poster child for a constitutional convention.

seal of the state of Illinois The polling results I've seen from both sides of the debate say a plurality of you will vote for a state constitutional convention this November.

The numbers still aren't there yet. The question on the fall ballot must either be supported by 60 percent of those who vote on the issue, or by at least half of all those voting in the election itself. Still, it's getting there.

I'm one of those who supports a constitutional convention. And after 18 years of covering Illinois politics, I am not only convinced that a convention is necessary; I also believe I have a duty to tell you why.

There is a defect in Illinois' constitution that is so fundamentally fatal that it practically begs voters to approve a state constitutional convention this November.

Senate President Emil Jones began a meeting of his Democratic members not long ago with a playful announcement that despite what everyone had read and heard, he had no intention of retiring from office.

He was joking, of course, but while the joke may have temporarily relieved a bit of tension in the room, there's still plenty of infighting ahead.

It was the "hug heard 'round Illinois," but did it really mean anything?

Illinois Senate President Emil Jones has never been fully appreciated as a legislative leader. Jones, who announced his retirement last week after years at the helm, has a manner of speaking that leads far too many people to assume that he is not intelligent.

Last week's umpteenth special legislative session had a lot more to do with giving the Senate an opportunity to kill off the legislative pay raises than coming up with education-funding-reform ideas or passing a capital-construction plan.

Reverend James Meeks The genesis for this week's legislative special session on education funding is Senator Reverend James Meeks' call for a boycott of the Chicago Public School system's first day of fall classes. But a campaign threat is what really seemed to motivate Governor Rod Blagojevich to take some action.

As I write this, Governor Rod Blagojevich is contemplating yet another special legislative session to take up a newly revised $25-billion infrastructure-repair proposal for transportation, schools, and economic development.

Whatever happens, it certainly appears that any special session would be an exercise in futility. House Speaker Michael Madigan is not budging off his opposition to the governor's capital-construction plan, even in its newly revised and scaled-back form.

Last year, Democratic House Speaker Michael Madigan was able to use his alliance with the House and Senate Republicans to thwart Governor Rod Blagojevich and Senate President Emil Jones at almost every turn.

Whether it was the budget, or the governor's health-insurance expansion, or a multitude of other issues, Madigan and the Republicans were a solid team throughout the long overtime session.

This year, the Republicans have flipped on Madigan, allying with Blagojevich and Jones on the $34-billion capital-construction package, funded by expanded casino gambling and by leasing the Illinois Lottery to a private company.

Pages