The state's secretary of the Department of Human Services met with a group representing child-care providers last Monday and gave them some bad news. Prepare for $100 million in cuts to child-care programs, Michelle Saddler told the group.

According to a participant in the meeting, Secretary Saddler said the state could freeze intake of new clients, "dramatically" increase parental co-pays, cut rates to providers, and eliminate child care for parents who are in school or employment-related training. The meeting resulted in an urgent alert by Illinois Action for Children imploring supporters to immediately call the governor's office.

The $100-million cut would be for the rest of the fiscal year, which ends June 30. That cut would equal about a third of the child-care program's remaining budget, which comes from both state and federal revenue sources.

Billions of dollars worth of badly needed state construction projects on roads, bridges, schools, and transit were abruptly halted last week when a state appellate court tossed out Illinois' entire capital construction program and all its funding sources.

The state is appealing to the Illinois Supreme Court, but if the appellate-court ruling is upheld, it's probably not going to be easy to replace this thing.

About 21 House Republicans voted for the $31-billion capital plan's controversial funding mechanisms - video poker, vehicle fees, and tax hikes on candy and booze.

Except for video poker, those fee and tax hikes have gone almost completely unnoticed since the bill was passed in May of 2009. But with a brand-new and tremendously unpopular income-tax hike still burning white-hot in the public's gullet, and a whole bunch of "new conservatives" elected last November, re-approving the tax and fee hikes isn't going to be a simple matter.

An out-of-state education-reform group raised a whopping $2.8 million in the days leading up to historic state caps on campaign contributions.

All of the money raised by Stand for Children's Illinois PAC came in five- or six-figure contributions from some very major Chicago-area business types. Members of the famed billionaire Pritzker family kicked in a total of $250,000 on December 29, two days before the end of the old campaign-finance system, which allowed for unlimited contributions to groups such as Stand for Children's PAC.

Whether they admitted it or not, a large majority of Statehouse denizens was relieved last week when the General Assembly approved the income-tax hike.

Ironically enough, Republicans might have been the happiest. The state's horrific structural deficit was finally addressed, which is good news all around. And since they didn't put any votes on the tax-hike bill, the Republicans now get to use it as a wicked political hammer against the Democrats.

The official U.S. Census numbers were released not long ago. The statistics revealed that Illinois will lose one U.S. congressional seat when the new district maps are drawn.

It's impossible to know exactly what will happen with the new maps since block-level Census numbers aren't yet available. That very specific, hyper-local data is plugged into computer programs so mapmakers can draw the new congressional and legislative boundaries. The data should arrive in late March or early April.

Once that happens, the Democrats will go to work.

Ten years ago, when the governor's office and the Illinois Senate were controlled by Republicans and the House was run by the Democrats, the powers that be compromised by allowing incumbent congressmen to draw their own district maps.

That was a huge mistake. The incumbents did what incumbents do: They protected themselves to the point where the districts were gerrymandered worse than they've been in a century. The zig-zagging district running from Rock Island to Decatur made Illinois a laughingstock - as if we needed any more of that.

Organized labor is engaged in a furious multi-front legislative war in Illinois, and more skirmishes may be on the horizon.

Trade and industrial unions are hoping to mitigate major damage from proposed workers' compensation reforms. Teachers unions are trying to fend off what it considers to be some egregious education reforms. And public-employee unions are warily eyeing a potential new battle against a well-known foe that their counterparts in other states have had to face in the recent past. Looking at the battlefield right now, you'd probably never know that the Democrats held onto power in last month's elections.

Tim DavlinSpringfield mayors hold a unique position in Illinois. As the mayor of the state's capital city, they have access to more state leaders more often and more intimately than just about any other local leader except for maybe Chicago's mayor.

Tim Davlin took advantage of that position better than most mayors his city has had.

I've been saying for the past couple of years that Illinois government is one of the biggest drags on our state's economy. Now, a new survey shows just how true that is.

The survey was conducted in October and November of this year by Illinois Partners for Human Service (IPHS). It found that almost half - 49 percent - of private human-service providers have laid off staff. Why? Because the groups are at least partially funded by the state, and the state is a total deadbeat when it comes to paying its bills.

Six Illinois House Republicans voted with 55 Democrats last week to approve a civil-unions bill. But a few of the Democratic "yes" votes were a bit more surprising.

All but one of the six Republicans were suburbanites. Bill Black, who is retiring later this month, was the only Downstater. Representatives Suzi Bassi and Beth Coulson were suburban "yes" votes who are not returning next year. Representatives Mark Beaubien, Rosemary Mulligan, and Skip Saviano were the other Republican "yes" votes, and all three are suburban legislators. None of those was a particularly huge surprise. Black has been a more traditionally liberal Republican for years, endorsed by labor unions and backed by many Democrats in his district. Black quoted late U.S. Senator Everett Dirksen during the debate, citing Dirksen's crucial vote for civil-rights legislation in 1964 as the basis for his own position.

One of the consequences of Governor Pat Quinn's laser-like focus on Chicago and Cook County during this fall's campaign was that he won just 20 to 22 of the state's 59 Senate districts, according to recent estimates by the Illinois Senate Democrats. That's not even close to half.

There's been plenty of hand-wringing in the Downstate media about the fact that Quinn only won three counties in their region, which comprises the vast majority of the state's geography. That's mostly irrelevant as far as statewide races go; a win's a win, period.

But it is legitimate to look at the totals when it comes to legislative districts. The lack of public support in a majority of districts can have a major impact on the coming legislative session, especially because Quinn lost quite a few Democrat-held districts by wide margins.

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