Illinois Democrats won a historic victory at the polls this month. Not since the Franklin Roosevelt landslide of 1936 have Democrats controlled every statewide office, both chambers of the General Assembly, and the Illinois Supreme Court.
But you'd never know it if you were in Springfield last week. Instead of bringing them closer together, the landslide has driven them further apart.
The annual veto session began last week, and the battle lines were drawn right off the bat, with a House committee passing an electric-utility rate freeze that's opposed by staunch ComEd ally Senate President Emil Jones, and a Senate committee passing a minimum-wage increase strongly supported by the governor and looked upon with dubious eyes by House Speaker Michael Madigan. The timing appeared deliberate on both sides, and it probably was.
Jones, whose Senate Democrats won a veto-proof majority this month, even took a public swipe at Madigan, asking reporters "Who?" when queried about his relationship with the House Speaker.
Jones has long believed that Speaker Madigan doesn't show him enough respect, and that Democratic Party of Illinois Chair Madigan does not adequately represent the liberal interests of their party. Jones' new veto-proof majority has given him some major bragging rights, so the proper respect will be demanded.
The grumbling has also been loud since the election about the state party's failure to get involved in any races other than Madigan's Illinois House contests. For instance, while the state Republican Party was sending out mailers and doing media work on behalf of congressional candidates, Madigan's only focus was maintaining his own majority. Madigan said last week that none of the campaigns asked for the party's help, but a Jones partisan scoffed at the excuse.
It's also no secret that Governor Rod Blagojevich has long believed that Madigan is part of the problem in Illinois. During his first term, the governor was eventually forced to fully retreat from his attempts to help remake the party and sway Madigan's own members against him. But he jumped right back into the saddle last week.
According to numerous sources, Governor Blagojevich suggested to a group of Democratic House members last week that they should threaten to vote against Madigan for speaker until he agreed to support the governor's minimum-wage-increase legislation.
The unprecedented interference in a caucus leader's internal affairs left longtime observers shaking their heads in amazement that the governor would so directly challenge Madigan so soon after the election.
"It remains to be seen whether this is the last mistake of the governor's first term or the first mistake of his second term," said Madigan spokesperson Steve Brown, adding that the speaker is still open to working together with the governor in the coming years.
Madigan has yet to commit to passing the minimum-wage legislation, which zoomed out of the Senate last week. Several of Madigan's targeted incumbents were supported by big-business groups this year, so the speaker is not eager to double-cross them so soon after the election. He's also far more politically conservative than either Blagojevich or Jones, and appears to be setting himself up as a dam against a possible flood of liberal proposals from the two men.
The fact that a governor who is under a dozen or so federal investigations, who didn't win a majority of the popular vote, and who still has a job-disapproval rating in the high 50s believes he is secure enough to lash out at the most entrenched legislative leader in Illinois history is quite something to behold.
The two men are now even fighting publicly over whether Madigan is actively snubbing the governor in private.
The governor's office claims that Blagojevich phoned Madigan twice last week to talk to him about the minimum-wage bill, and the speaker didn't return either call. Madigan's press secretary said he wasn't aware of any calls from the governor's office. I asked if he could check, just to make sure, but he declined, saying he would know about something as important as calls from the governor.
The governor's press office then tracked down the logs of one of the calls and reported back that Blagojevich attempted to call Madigan last Tuesday afternoon at 2:51. The speaker's spokesman stuck by his claim, however.
Maybe Dr. Phil can perform a relationship intervention. It may be the Democrats' only hope of avoiding a massive implosion after their great "victory."
Rich Miller also publishes Capitol Fax (a daily political newsletter) and (http://www.thecapitolfaxblog.com).