A big question on a lot of Statehouse minds right now is: Why would Senate President John Cullerton all of a sudden decide to string out his members yet again on a dollar-a-pack cigarette tax hike when he surely knows that the House will kill it for the umpteenth time?

Cullerton wants to raise money from the cigarette tax so he can kill off the controversial law legalizing video gaming in taverns, clubs, and truck stops. Video-gaming proceeds are supposed to subsidize part of the state's massive capital-construction plan, but the video-gaming program hasn't got off the ground after two years of preparations because the Illinois Gaming Board is taking its time to develop strict standards.

Part of the answer is that Cullerton loves the cigarette-tax-hike idea in and of itself. The man just downright loathes cigarettes and believes that raising the tax would cause people to stop smoking and prevent kids from starting.

But when the four legislative leaders sit down to cut a deal, they're supposed to stick to that deal unless the other leaders go along. The capital plan was just such an agreement. Breaking a pact like that is just not done. Ever.

Education reform in Illinois features two major storylines: politics and policy. On the political front, two powerful forces - the business community and teacher unions - have competing proposals. On the policy end of things, the primary educational question is whether and to what degree teacher performance will be a factor in school-district workforce decisions, from budget-related layoffs to dismissals to tenure.

As the law stands now, layoffs and tenure are simply functions of teachers' years of service and don't take into account whether students are actually learning. Firing a tenured teacher is time-consuming and costly, and the current teacher-evaluation system, all sides agree, is ineffective. Common-sense reform is long overdue.

Given Illinois' history and reputation, however, one might expect politics to dictate the outcome at the expense of sound policy. Somewhat surprisingly, the substance of the different proposals appears to be getting a careful vetting, and politics have thus far taken a back seat.

I beg your indulgence here. I think most of us would agree that something is deeply wrong with the economy and American governance in these times. For most, the problems are too big to tackle, let alone contemplate for very long. Generally speaking, today's activists, whether liberal or conservative, are likely to have had a personal experience that motivates their "getting involved," or they have been recruited - some for pay.

The percentage of those involved for personal reasons, compared to those actually being paid for some form of civic activism, is dismally small. And that is one of the core problems in these times. Our grandparents and great-grandparents would be shocked to see the utter lack of civic participation that defines our era. Such participation was part of their daily lives back in the day. Town squares, city halls, and county seats - all were bustling places of communication and influence by regular citizens, resulting in politicians who took the voters far more seriously.

So what is the price of civic laziness? Look around. For the first time in the history of our country, our generation is financially worse off than our parents, and our children will be worse off than us. Furthermore, our liberties are being increasingly eroded by legislation that the average American knows nothing about, which essentially means laws and policies are systematically being enacted without our consent.

One of the main reasons the Democratic Party did so poorly across the nation last year and lost ground in Illinois was the defection of senior citizens to the Republican Party.

On Election Day 2006, national exit polling showed voters 65 and older split their ballots 49-49 between the two parties. In Illinois, however, senior citizens went with Democrat Rod Blagojevich over Republican Judy Baar Topinka by 10 points, 50-40.

Last year, national exit polling showed Republicans with a huge 59-38 margin over Democrats among seniors. In Illinois, the exit polls showed that Pat Quinn lost the senior-citizen vote to Republican Bill Brady by 17 points, 55-38. Quinn ended up beating Brady by less than 32,000 votes. Blagojevich won his last election by more than 10 times that amount: 367,000. The lost senior vote accounted for more than half the difference between those two margins.

So some Democrats may be forgiven for cringing last week after reading the headlines about how Senate President John Cullerton was floating the idea of taxing retirement income. Their party needs to woo that all-important and rapidly growing demographic back to the fold, not alienate it even more. Those stories probably didn't sit well at all with the oldsters. There's a reason why only five states tax all retirement income, and it ain't fiscal.

Once again it's time to talk about raising the statutory limit on the U.S. government's debt - the so-called "debt ceiling." Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner has estimated that Uncle Sam will reach the debt ceiling before Tax Day, possibly even before the end of March.

Even earlier, on March 18 to be precise, the current two-week appropriations resolution that is funding government spending will expire.

Are these two stories giving you a sense of déjà vu? They should. These two closely related issues are perennial events. Congress has raised the debt ceiling 74 times in the past 70 years, and, of course, passing an annual budget is necessarily an annual event.

If you thought that Illinois government might get a tiny breather after raising income taxes, think again.

The Illinois House's new revenue projection for next fiscal year, which begins in July, is $759 million lower than the governor's. And the House's forecast is also $2.2 billion below Governor Pat Quinn's projected spending for the coming fiscal year.

Quinn's proposed budget was whacked last month by Democrats and Republicans alike for its brutal slashing of several human-service programs. But even with those Quinn cuts, if the House revenue forecast is used in the final product, they'll still have to find $2.2 billion in additional spending reductions.

The bad news doesn't end there. According to some revised numbers issued by the auditor general this past Friday, next year's required state pension payment, including debt service, will be $6.2 billion.

House Republican leaders said Thursday that they do not support or intend to pass a bill that would allow Iowa to receive $14.5 million in federal money for extended unemployment benefits. Iowa is one of nine states that have yet to request the benefits.

"The Labor Committee is going to look at that, but the House Republican caucus is not interested in making it harder to be an employer in the state of Iowa," said House Speaker Kraig Paulsen (R-Hiawatha). "What's going on with unemployment compensation right now is making it harder to be an employer."

The Iowa Senate approved the measure on a 27-22 vote this week. The money would benefit the more than 7,000 Iowans who have been out of work for more than a year. Democrats urged the House and governor to act on Senate File 303 by March 10, or they said the state will almost certainly lose the $14.5 million in federal help for the unemployed.

"The child is not the mere creature of the state." - United States Supreme Court, Pierce V. Society of Sisters

Not only is Alford V. Greene the first major case involving child protective services to go before the U.S. Supreme Court in 21 years, but it is also one of the most important parents' rights cases ever to reach the court. If it goes the right way - i.e., to bolster parents' rights - it will mean that state agents will have to obtain a court order to question a child at school. If it goes the wrong way, however - which the Obama administration is advocating, along with 40 state attorneys general, law-enforcement agencies, social workers, prosecutors, and defense attorneys - it will be a serious blow to parental rights as well as the rights of children in the public schools.

The particulars of the case are egregious enough, but they pale in comparison to the government's effrontery in insisting that parents essentially forfeit their rights when they send their children to a public school.

After decades of dominating every tiny aspect of life in his legislative chamber, Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan now appears to want his members to grow up a little and do some things for themselves.

One of the first steps in that process to adulthood is handing more power to the House's five appropriations committees and the House Revenue Committee.

The appropriations committees have been toothless kittens for decades. They listen to a parade of agency directors outline their upcoming budget requests and press them about jobs for various constituencies, minority and otherwise. Occasionally, an appropriations chair will briefly have a seat at the bargaining table when the governor and the leaders sit down to talk turkey. But, for the most part, they've been cut out of the process. That's especially been the case the past two years, when the General Assembly has sent "lump sum" appropriations to the governor to avoid specifying cuts.

Iowa will join Idaho and Indiana as the only states whose high courts have only men, following Governor Terry Branstad's February 23 appointment of Pleasant Valley attorney Thomas Waterman, Iowa Court of Appeals Judge Edward Mansfield, and Iowa District Court Judge Bruce Zager to the Iowa Supreme Court.

Branstad said the 51-year-old Waterman, an attorney in the Quad Cities law firm Lane & Waterman, brings private-sector experience to the Supreme Court. He said 58-year-old Zager, of Waterloo, brings both private-practice experience and district-court knowledge to the Supreme Court. And he said 53-year-old Mansfield, of Des Moines, brings both private-practice experience and court-of-appeals knowledge to the Supreme Court.

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