"No matter that patriotism is too often the refuge of scoundrels. Dissent, rebellion, and all-around hell-raising remain the true duty of patriots." -- Barbara Ehrenreich, The Worst Years of Our Lives: Irreverent Notes from a Decade of Greed

Recently, I was invited to speak to a group of affluent, upper-middle-class retirees. The host's estate was extensive, his home was airy and spacious, original art graced the walls, and the guests ranged from dignitaries to activists from the civil-rights era.

I had been invited to lead a discussion on ways to minimize political polarization and find common ground, and I agreed, hoping that these people -- who are well-educated, well-connected and well-to-do -- would want to get involved in the freedom struggle and effect change within their spheres of influence. Instead, I came face-to-face with those I've been writing about for years: materially comfortable, disconnected from reality, and totally oblivious to what's been going on in the American government as far as the erosion of our civil liberties and the amassing of power by the federal government.

I quickly realized that what these people call "polarization" is actually Americans challenging the status quo, especially the so-called government elite. To my surprise, I found myself on the receiving end of a group lecture in which I was reprimanded for being too negative in my views of the government. I was also informed that I need to have "faith" in our leaders and refrain from criticizing our president because Americans still live in the best country in the world. In other words, my patriotism was called into question.

"[A] foolish man devours all he has." -- Proverbs 21:20

In 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations, Great Britain was faced with a monumental sovereign debt crisis that would not be seen again until the 21st Century -- when the U.S. finds itself with a $12.4-trillion national debt, rising to 100 percent of the Gross Domestic Product within a few years. The last chapter of his opus magnum, "Of Public Debts," was dedicated to persuading the British Parliament of the calamity the British Empire was faced with. And, alas, they did not listen.

Reading through it today, one might easily surmise that Adam Smith, the Scottish economist and Enlightenment political philosopher, was actually a time-traveler who had foreknowledge of the crisis that faces the world today. For the crisis he describes in exquisite, haunting detail eerily suggests the calamity that now threatens the economic survival of the modern world -- and threatens to enslave future generations for decades to come.

It is time for Americans to understand a key political distinction between "progressives" as they relate to both Democrats and Republicans. Progressives are individuals from both parties who commonly believe in social improvement through government action. Traditionally, progressives are thought to be liberal or Democrat in nature. This is not accurate. The first progressives were actually a splinter group from the Republican Party in 1912. Today, it can be argued that most of our legislators are progressive Democrats and progressive Republicans, evidenced by the exhaustive amount of legislation from both sides of the aisle that perpetuates government's ever-growing involvement in American lives.

The notion that a progressive agenda is strictly that of liberals, Democrats, or socialists is a misconception in desperate need of correction. The past century has shown us that any salient differences between the two parties have only narrowed with each new administration and/or legislature.

One of the biggest doubts about state Senator Bill Brady's gubernatorial campaign - assuming he survives a potential recount of the Republican primary - is whether he can transform himself from a primary candidate into a serious general-election candidate.

Like most members of the state House and Senate, Brady has never once faced a real general-election opponent.

Brady, of Bloomington, focused almost solely on his Downstate base and barely campaigned at all in the suburbs during his Republican gubernatorial bid, so independent suburban women might as well be foreigners to him. Since Illinois is such a "blue" state, he'll have to convince thousands of Democratic-leaning voters to cross over for him.

Governor Chet Culver's proposed budget for Fiscal Year 2011 exceeds the state's 99-percent spending limitation and fails to address roughly $400 million in state costs, State Auditor David Vaudt said this week.

"He's actually spending $25 million more than the expenditure limitation, rather than the $61 million under the spending limitation that he presents in his budget document," said Vaudt, a Republican. "The governor's budget numbers just don't add up."

Culver defended his proposed budget, maintaining that it's balanced and spends less in his fourth year in office than when he began his term as governor in 2007.

Every night before an election day, I spend four or five hours on the phone with people I trust asking what they think will happen.

There are always a couple of races that will have them stumped, but I've never seen everybody perplexed about so many outcomes until the night before last week's election.

Take, for instance, the Democratic gubernatorial primary.

Governor Chet Culver received a standing ovation at the Iowa State Building & Construction Trades Council convention and shook the hand of almost everyone in the room after signing an executive order that presumes state agencies will use project labor agreements (PLAs) whenever possible.

"It adds stability and structure to a job site that could be chaotic," said Bill Gerhard, president of the Iowa State Building & Construction Trades Council.

"There's a thousand people working big jobs, 17 different unions, all have different work rules, all have contracts that expire at different times," Gerhard said. "It sort of ensures that there's going to be some stability that people, if they go on strike on their contract, they'll keep working on the project. ... The state should have this tool in their toolbox to use."

"We must see the need for nonviolent gadflies." -- Martin Luther King Jr.

When it comes to the staggering loss of civil liberties, the Constitution hasn't changed. Rather, it is the American people who have changed.

Once a citizenry that generally fomented a rebellion and founded a country, Americans are no longer the people they once were. Americans today live in a glass dome, says author Nicholas von Hoffman, a kind of terrarium, cut off from both reality and the outside world. In his words, they are "bobbleheads in Bubbleland. They shop in bubbled malls, they live in gated communities, and they move from place to place breathing their own private air in bubble-mobiles known as SUVs."

Quite simply, most Americans, having been beguiled by materialism and technology, are more or less compliant lambs, only protesting when someone takes away their cell phone or causes them material discomfort. And if the specter of a terrorist attack (no matter how tenuous) is raised, most are willing to give over their rights to feel safer. Indeed, while the government inches ever closer to authoritarianism, many Americans are blissfully oblivious to the fact that a police state -- even martial law -- may be one terrorist attack away.

Revelations last fall about the mismanagement of Iowa's film-tax-credit program came at a convenient time for the governor and the state legislature, as they provide an opportunity to evaluate tax credits at a time when the state budget is tight.

Governor Chet Culver has included two major cost-cutting features in the budget proposal he released last week: reorganizing state government (saving $341 million) and making changes to the state's more-than-two-dozen tax-credit programs (saving $52.5 million). The governor's budget proposal reads: "In Fiscal Year 2011, state tax credits are expected to cost the state $525 million if no legislative changes are made. ... [T]he Culver-Judge Administration believes that state tax expenditures must ... be scaled back in light of declining state revenues."

Culver did not specify how he wanted the legislature to achieve cost savings by $52.5 million, only referring to seven recommendations of his Tax Credit Review Panel, which released its report on January 8.

The legislature has one easy option to achieve the governor's cost-saving target. The review panel estimated that following its recommendations would result in first-year savings of $55.2 million and second-year savings of $106.3 million. Basically, lawmakers could rubber-stamp the report.

But this is also an opportunity for the state to re-think the way it does economic development through tax credits. If it's so inclined, the General Assembly could do a more-comprehensive overhaul of tax credits, making them better tools.

Lawyers for Rod Blagojevich told reporters last week that there might be a delay in the former governor's criminal trial when a federal grand jury, as expected, hands down a new indictment. But they also stressed that they were working hard to keep the trial on track for its June start date.

As I write this, the U.S. attorney's office in Chicago is hoping to re-indict Blagojevich to make sure its criminal case isn't damaged by an upcoming U.S. Supreme Court ruling on the federal "honest services" statute. The brief statute has been used by federal prosecutors for years to prosecute politicians and corporate executives on a wide variety of charges, claiming they defrauded citizens, investors, etc. via "a scheme or artifice to deprive another of the intangible right of honest services."

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