One of the concepts used so effectively by Bruce Rauner's campaign for governor last year was what are called "OODA Loops." I'm going to oversimplify because of space, but the idea, developed by a military strategist and adopted by business leaders, is to introduce rapid changes to a battle with the intent of disorienting an opponent and forcing over- and under-reactions. And then do it again and again to exhaust and eventually defeat the other side.

With growing numbers of African-American and Latino politicians calling for Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez to resign, it's probably time for the county's Democratic Party leaders to rethink their summertime decision to not endorse anyone in the primary.

The incumbent state's attorney is facing two Democratic primary challengers, Kim Foxx and Donna More.

Foxx, an African-American woman and former prosecutor, is the former chief of staff to Cook County Board President Toni Preckwinkle and is backed by other African-American and liberal leaders, plus some labor unions.

More is white, is a former county prosecutor, and has represented casino interests since she left the Illinois Gaming Board decades ago. She also contributed to Republican Governor Bruce Rauner's campaign - one of only a handful of contributions she's ever made. The first-time candidate has demonstrated an ability to raise enough money to compete.

The general rule of thumb for incumbents facing primaries is the more, the merrier. Multiple candidates can split the "anti" vote against the incumbent, which means Alvarez won't need to receive 50 percent plus one to win.

Here's what the Chicago Police Department told the media in after LaQuan McDonald was killed by a police officer 13 months ago: A drug-addled black kid lunged at a cop with a knife and was then shot in the chest.

Six months later, and a week after Chicago's mayoral election, the city council rushed through approval of a $5-million settlement with McDonald's family, even though no lawsuit had been filed.

Seven months after that, the city finally released the dashboard video from a Chicago police car, which clearly showed McDonald walking away from the police when he was shot 16 times - and almost all of those shots were fired as he lay bleeding to death on the pavement.

Before the officer shot him, everybody failed that kid:

Earlier this month when the General Assembly was in Springfield, House Speaker Michael Madigan called Senate President John Cullerton six different times to ask him to move the child-care-program-restoration legislation once it passed the House.

Yes, six times. The man is most definitely persistent.

As you probably already know, the deal cut with Governor Bruce Rauner's office by state Senator Toi Hutchinson (D-Olympia Fields) and others to mostly restore the draconian Child Care Assistance Program cuts Rauner made this past summer involved not voting on a bill that would've fully restored the governor's cuts.

Madigan wanted that bill to pass, however, and apparently believed through much of the day that his chamber would pass it, even though it seemed obvious that Representative Ken Dunkin (D-Chicago) had once again jumped into the political bed with the GOP governor. Some House Republicans were talking about voting for the bill, though, and that kept Madigan's hopes alive.

Because he thought it still had a shot, Madigan would not relent on Cullerton. And while the constant calls reportedly irritated Cullerton, they didn't work. Cullerton backed up his member's deal and the speaker was politely refused. Six times. The bill died in the House when all Republicans and Dunkin voted against the speaker.

Madigan's pressure on Cullerton was ironic considering that the speaker is sitting on several Senate bills. Cullerton's chamber has twice passed minimum-wage-increase bills that have gone nowhere in the House despite the fact that Madigan pushed a referendum last year to raise the minimum wage. Cullerton also passed a property-tax-freeze bill that provides more money for Chicago Public Schools and kills off the state's ancient school-funding formula. But that hasn't moved in the House, either.

"He seems so done with it all," said one top Republican earlier last week about House Republican Leader Jim Durkin. "He hates this," said a close Durkin pal not long afterward.

The overtime session's constant battles with the House Democrats and super-strict marching orders from Governor Bruce Rauner were wearing Durkin down, said some folks who know him. "This summer was pretty nasty," he admitted to reporters last week.

But that changed by Tuesday. Asked to describe the progress of the previous few days on a scale of one to 10, a cheery Durkin replied, "Eight, nine, 10." He seemed back on his game.

Meanwhile, House Speaker Michael Madigan clearly had a very bad week.

The concept of a public meeting on November 18 featuring the four Illinois legislative leaders and the governor sounds nice, but will it actually move the ball forward and break the months-long governmental impasse?

As you might know, a group of good-government types recently called on the state's leaders to sit down and talk about solving the state's budget issues. The four tops and the governor haven't met as a group since late May.

House Speaker Michael Madigan quickly accepted and then suggested that the meeting be held in public. The move has quite a few people scratching their heads, because nobody expects anything will be solved while the public is looking on.

So why bother?

A big reason is that the Democrats want the public to see what they've been seeing with their own eyes for months. They say the governor walks in, exchanges pleasantries, and then repeats the same basic talking points that he's been making since April.

For months now, Governor Bruce Rauner has said he won't negotiate a state budget unless his "Turnaround Agenda" demands are met. In the meantime, he has slashed funding for the child-care-assistance program, homeless services have been decimated, mental-health services are going without cash, universities are struggling, and even the Meals on Wheels service for the elderly is cutting back deliveries.

But one of the most important things missing from the debate over that "Turnaround Agenda" is how much money the governor's proposals would truly save state and local governments. Even for those who support the ideas, is it really worth all this pain?

There is simply no hard, reliable, trustworthy data out there because numbers from both sides of the debate on union-related subjects such as the prevailing wage are so steeped in ideology.

Among other things, the governor is demanding that local governments, including school districts, be allowed to opt out of paying the prevailing wage on construction and other projects. The amount is set by county, and all publicly financed projects must pay those wages. Unions say killing off the prevailing wage won't save much if any money because productivity will drop when inexperienced, low-wage employees are used to replace trained construction and trades workers.

But just for the sake of argument, let's say that's not true.

Governor Bruce Rauner took it on the chin for several days in a row this month.

The Paul Simon Public Policy Institute's recent poll of southern Illinoisans showed Rauner's approval rating absolutely tanking in a region he swept last year. Just 37 percent of voters in 18 southern counties approved of his job performance, while 51 percent disapproved. The media usually reacts negatively when there's real blood in the water, and that poll most definitely showed blood.

In both a Chicago speech and during a follow-up interview, former Republican Governor Jim Edgar called on Rauner to stop holding the budget "hostage" to his anti-union Turnaround Agenda demands, claiming the lack of a state budget is hurting Illinois. Edgar remains a popular figure with political reporters, and his statements were a cold bucket of water on the governor's "things are going great, and if they're not, it's all because of House Speaker Michael Madigan" mantra.

Last week, Governor Bruce Rauner said that he had spoken with both Senate President John Cullerton and House Speaker Michael Madigan about his proposed sale of the state's Thompson Center building in Chicago, and that both men were "forward leaning and positive" about the plan.

So I checked in with the legislative leaders, and that's not exactly what I heard.

"The governor and President Cullerton spoke," said the Senate President's spokesperson Rikeesha Phelon. Okay, so far so good. At least these weren't "phantom" phone conversations like the ones Governor-elect Rauner claimed he had with those two on election night last November, but didn't.

"We will take a look at the specifics of the plan in light of state statutes regarding property control and facility closures," Phelon continued.

Um, wait. That doesn't sound all too "forward leaning and positive." I asked Phelon: Is Cullerton positive about this at all?

"I would say the word is 'open,' but under review," she replied.

Last year, gubernatorial candidate Bruce Rauner pledged to "crack down on waste" in government in order to save taxpayers over $140 million. He also vowed to cut $500 million from the Illinois Department of Central Management Services and find another $250 million in Medicaid savings.

Very little of that has happened to date, as the governor himself inadvertently admitted during a speech last week in the southern Cook County suburbs.

Instead of saving $500 million at CMS, for example, Rauner touted just $15 million in savings, mainly from grounding the state's fleet of airplanes - although that doesn't take into consideration the cost of paying mileage reimbursements for all those folks who can no longer fly.

The governor identified a grand total of $107 million in what he said are savings he's found this year, but most came from cuts at the Department of Healthcare and Family Services, and people I've talked to aren't buying those numbers because some major state cost controls have been allowed to expire. He also failed to mention that he vetoed a bill that the Democrats say would've resulted in $400 million in DHFS savings - far more than his own stated campaign goal and lots more than the $70 million he claims to have actually saved.

Governor Rauner also bemoaned the lack of a budget and the myriad court orders which are forcing state spending at last fiscal year's levels. "I can't control" the court orders, the governor said. That's true, but the governor could try negotiating with the stakeholders and the courts to come up with more affordable orders. He's not a complete victim.

And, of course, he repeatedly complained that the Democratic General Assembly hasn't allowed votes on a single one of his Turnaround Agenda items.

He has a right to complain, but he's not a legislator and needs to eventually realize that he can't pass bills on his own.