Governor Pat Quinn refused to say for several days whether he'd support a $1.2-million-a-year tax break for Archer Daniels Midland (ADM) to move 100 jobs out of Decatur and open up a world headquarters and new tech center in Chicago. But last week he made it clear that without pension reform, the ADM proposal would be a nonstarter and he would veto it.

"He won't even consider the ADM bill much less get on board when pension reform has not been done," a Quinn spokesperson told me.

"The best way to help jobs in Illinois is to do pension reform," Quinn himself told the Associated Press. "To distract legislators in any way from this issue of a lifetime is just plain wrong."

Quinn didn't say, probably because he wasn't asked, whether he thought a vote on gay marriage during the upcoming fall veto session would also "distract legislators." But a spokesperson later explained that pension reform was vital to the state's economic interests, and gay marriage, while important, was not.

And so the governor has seized yet another political hostage in his quest to ease Illinois' enormous budget problems by reducing pension benefits for public employees and retirees.

A bipartisan chorus seemed to rise as one last week to urge Governor Pat Quinn not to appeal a ruling by a Cook County judge. The judge ruled that the governor had violated the state Constitution when he vetoed lawmaker salaries this summer. Quinn said he vetoed the appropriations because he was tired of waiting for legislators to finish a pension-reform plan.

Despite urgings by both Democrats and Republicans to drop the whole thing, Quinn forged ahead, issuing a defiant statement in which he vowed to pursue an appeal of Judge Neil Cohen's decision voiding the veto and ordering lawmaker paychecks to be processed "immediately."

For a moment, let's flash back to a poll I commissioned last month. The August 13 Capitol Fax/We Ask America poll surveyed 1,102 likely Republican-primary voters.

The poll found that 74 percent of Republicans wanted GOP gubernatorial candidates to choose a running mate who was "more conservative" than the candidates themselves. Another 18 percent said ideology made no difference, and a mere 7 percent said they wanted a more liberal running mate.

The poll found that 73 percent of Republican women and 75 percent of men wanted a more conservative running mate. Seventy-nine percent of seniors, who tend to dominate GOP primaries, wanted a more rightward pick. Seventy-seven percent of collar-county Republicans, 73 percent of suburban Cook and Downstate Republicans, and 69 percent of Chicago Republicans wanted the candidates to look to their right when picking their lieutenant-governor candidates.

As you probably already know, Illinois changed its laws on running mates. Before, lieutenant governor candidates ran independently in primaries. Now, candidates for governor are required to choose a running mate before they begin circulating nominating petitions.

Fast-forward to today. So far, anyway, the gubernatorial candidate who has by far heeded this poll result the most is state Senator Bill Brady, who was, socially anyway, the most conservative candidate in the race to begin with.

Several members of the Illinois General Assembly's special pension-reform committee told me last week that they believed a final proposal would emerge within the next week to 10 days.

The conference committee has been working on a solution to the state's pension problems since June, after urgings by Governor Pat Quinn to find a way around the spring legislative session's pension-reform gridlock. For the past several weeks, the committee - made up of three Democrats and two Republicans from each chamber - has been working on "tweaks" to ideas they've discussed behind closed doors.

As I write this, there was no word on what the final proposal will look like, but there is real concern among Democrats I spoke with that the Republicans might decide not to go along. While the Republicans appointed to the committee have strongly indicated they were committed to finding a solution, three of the four are running for higher office: Senator Bill Brady (governor), Representative Jil Tracy (lieutenant governor), and Representative Darlene Senger (U.S. House).

After the Illinois House Republicans met late last month in Springfield to elect a new caucus leader, several members gathered at a local watering hole to toast their top dog, Representative Jim Durkin (R-Western Springs).

Notably, several members who backed the candidacy of Representative Raymond Poe (R-Springfield) showed up as well and heartily shared in the festivities.

And so a leadership battle that for a while looked to be heading down a bitterly negative path ended with smiles all around. Durkin managed to pull off the impossible.

Republican gubernatorial candidate Bruce Rauner has focused like a laser on his absolute disgust with public-employee unions such as AFSCME, the Illinois Education Association, and the Illinois Federation of Teachers. The wealthy former business executive claims the unions are the root of most of Illinois' problems and has decried the "corrupting" influence of their campaign cash on both political parties.

Illinois Republicans appear to overwhelmingly agree with Rauner.

"Would you be more likely or less likely to vote for a Republican candidate for governor who received hundreds of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions from public-employee unions?" 1,614 likely Republican-primary voters were asked August 21 in a Capitol Fax/We Ask America poll.

An overwhelming 80 percent said they'd be less likely to back such a candidate, while a mere 8 percent said they'd be more likely to do so.

I had heard that Republican gubernatorial candidate Bruce Rauner's longtime personal and business connections to Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel were "killer" issues among GOP primary voters, so I commissioned a poll.

The question I settled on is pretty mild in comparison to what could be used in a TV ad, so the response may turn out to be even worse for Rauner than the Capitol Fax/We Ask America poll shows, if that's possible.

"Would you be more likely or less likely to vote for a candidate for governor if you found out he was a friend and political ally to Chicago Democratic Mayor Rahm Emanuel?" 1,102 likely Republican-primary voters were asked on August 13.

A truly astounding 83 percent of Republicans said they'd be less likely to support that candidate. Any time you see a "less likely" response above 80 percent, you can pretty much figure that the target is toast. But maybe not in this case.

"Ask her," Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan told a Sun-Times reporter last week. The journalist wanted to know why Madigan's daughter Lisa would consider running for governor knowing that her father had no plans to step down as speaker.

So I tried to ask her. But I didn't get very far.

Attorney General Lisa Madigan, I was told, is still refusing to discuss in any way the "personal" conversations she had with her father leading up to her decision not to run for governor.

Attorney General Madigan had this to say when she announced she would run for re-election instead of the state's highest office: "I feel strongly that the state would not be well served by having a governor and speaker of the House from the same family and have never planned to run for governor if that would be the case. With Speaker Madigan planning to continue in office, I will not run for governor."

But last week, Speaker Madigan said he had told his daughter on "several occasions" that he had no plans to step down. "She knew very well that I did not plan to retire," he said. "She knew what my position was. She knew."

State Senator Kwame RaoulState Senator Kwame Raoul (D-Chicago) was apparently taken aback a few weeks ago when his standard public comments about not ruling out a race for governor were taken as a dramatic sign that he might very well run.

The public reaction should've been predictable. The most recent Capitol Fax/We Ask America poll, taken in mid-July, had Governor Pat Quinn getting just 38 percent of the Democratic-primary vote. That's pretty awful for an incumbent. Bill Daley, who made his exploratory candidacy official last week, was at 33 percent.

That leaves a lot of wide-open space for a new challenger. There is a very definable path for Raoul to do well here. And while he might not win, he'd likely set himself up for a future statewide race - possibly the 2016 U.S. Senate primary - if he runs a credible campaign. There really just isn't much of a downside, so let's look at his path.

House Speaker Michael Madigan has always strongly guarded the powers of the General Assembly as a coequal branch of government, so it was a little surprising when he appeared to support Governor Pat Quinn's line-item veto of legislative salaries in mid-July.

The governor vetoed the salaries in retaliation for the General Assembly's failure to pass a pension-reform bill. In a press release the day of the veto, Madigan said he understood the governor's frustration with the lack of progress, adding, "I am hopeful his strategy works."

Behind the scenes, though, Madigan is said to be furious with the governor's veto. Madigan's legal staff has been meeting with other lawyers to set strategy to either get around the veto or oppose it. So far, they are not finding much in the way of non-court options.

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