"I love this governor!" exclaimed a jubilant utility lobbyist a few weeks ago.

Why would a utility lobbyist express his undying love for our self-proclaimed consumer-activist governor?

Simple.

The lobbyist was absolutely convinced that Governor Pat Quinn's over-the-top media antics had helped pass the so-called "Smart Grid trailer bill" by a huge margin and provided the extra oomph needed to override Quinn's own veto of the original Smart Grid bill.

That lobbyist was not alone. Several legislators, staff members, and longtime observers said basically the same thing. When the governor decided not to negotiate the bill's details and switched to to slamming legislators who received utility campaign contributions as somehow criminal or at the very least sleazy, he created a nasty legislative backlash so intense that the utilities were able to hold their coalition together.

Yet Quinn appeared to revel in his alleged victories. He got his clock cleaned, but he fought the good fight, and that's apparently what really mattered.

An apparent legislative drafting error has created a massive loophole in the state's new campaign-contribution-limit law, and ComEd and its parent company Exelon have been aggressively exploiting it since early this year.

State campaign-finance-reform laws that capped campaign contributions went into effect January 1. One provision of the new law set a $50,000 cap on what political action committees could receive from other political action committees during a calendar year.

Despite that cap, Exelon's federal PAC has transferred more than $189,000 this year to a state PAC controlled by subsidiary ComEd. Those transfers appear to be almost four times larger than the law allows.

Illinois Democrats can be excused for feeling more than a little spooked these days.

And there's probably no greater example about why they are so worried than the stunning announcement earlier this month that longtime Democratic Congressman Jerry Costello won't run for re-election.

Shock combined with fear was in almost every Democratic voice the day of Costello's announcement. If Costello was bailing on them, then things must be even worse than they thought. It didn't help that there appeared to be no "reason" for his decision. His son, state Representative Jerry Costello II, immediately defied all expectations by saying he wasn't interested in the seat, so Costello wasn't stepping aside for the kid. The congressman wasn't ill. He didn't have a job offer. He isn't under investigation. The widespread conclusion was that it must be the worsening political environment.

Earlier this year, when it was disclosed that Governor Pat Quinn's budget director had handed out two pay raises to top staffers on the same day that the governor signed the income-tax increase into law, Illinois Republican Party Chair Pat Brady said the move was evidence of a "void in leadership."

I tend to ignore or downplay most pay-raise stories unless they're particularly egregious. Unlike the government-haters, I try to understand that the benefits of employee morale and retention are as important in government as they are in the private sector, where raises for mid- to high-level executives are the norm, not the exception.

There's definitely a market for these sorts of stories, however. The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported September 15 that real average weekly earnings are in a national deflationary slide and suffered a 2.5-percent drop over the previous year. So, it's easy to see how taxpayers would be susceptible to reporting that purports to show that their government isn't acting responsibly during a crisis.